Senin, 25 November 2013

NEGATIVE INVERTED CONSTRUCTION



Negative inversion, also referred to as declarative negative auxiliary inversion (NAI) in Lisa Green's work, refers to declarative clauses in which a negated auxiliary or modal precedes a quantificational (or indefinite) subject, as exemplified in (1):
(1) a. Can't nobody beat 'em. (African American English; Labov et al. 1968)
     b. Didn't nobody get hurt or nothin'. (Appalachian English; Wolfram and Christian 1976)
     c. Won't anybody hit us. (Alabama English; Feagin 1979)
     d. Cain't all o' ya go at once. (West Texas English; Foreman 1999)


Negative inversion constructions always have a well-formed non-inverted counterpart. Sentences exhibiting negative inversion are given in the (a) examples and their non-inverted counterparts are given in the (b) examples.
(1)  a. Ain't nobody know about no club. (AAE; Labov 1972)
       b. Nobody ain't know about no club. (AAE; Labov 1972)
(2)  a. Didn't everybody go to the party. (WTE; Foreman 1999)
       b. Everybody didn't go to the party. (WTE; Foreman 1999)
 



In the southern white speaker varieties, negative inversion constructions are compatible with expletives.
(1)  a. They didn't nobody like him. (AnE; Feagin 1979)
       b. They can’t many people say that. (AppE; Dante Oral History Project)
       c. We don't any of us need anything. (AppE; Montgomery & Hall 2004)
       d. There didn't five of em go to sleep, and I thought they was gonna be trouble. (WTE; William Salmon p.c.)
Negative inversion constructions are incompatible with expletives in African American English, as in (16).
(1)  a. *There didn't nobody laugh. (AAE; Martin and Wolfram 1998)
       b. *It can't no man round here get enough money to buy they own farm. (AAE; Martin and Wolfram 1998)
       c. *Dey didn't nobody see it. (AAE; Weldon 1994)
       d. *It don't nobody be drinking tea. (AAE; Green 2006)


Negative inversion is often said to co-occur with negative concord in African American English. The co-occurrence typically refers to the availability of subjects headed by no, as in the (a) examples, and the unavailability of subjects headed by NPI any, as in the (b) examples.
(1)  a. Don't nobody break up a fight. (AAE; Labov 1972)
       b. *Don't anybody break up a fight. (AAE)

Other types of subjects that are not negative are possible, such as subjects headed by a and many.
(1)  a. Ain't a damn thing changed. (AAE; Parrott 2000)
       b. Don't many of them live around here. (AAE; Labov 1972


In the southern white speech varieties, however, both subjects headed by no and subjects headed by any are possible.
(1)  a. Hain't nobody hardly believed it. (AppE; Wolfram and Christian 1976)
       b. Dudn't anybody seem to understand... (AnE; Feagin 1979)
(2)  a. Won't none of the students go to the party. (WTE; Foreman 1999)
       b. Didn't any of them answer the question. (WTE; William Salmon p.c.)
 

In the literature on African American English, negative inversion constructions are distinguished from existential negative inversion in which the auxiliary is the copula be (henceforth existential 'be'). The two constructions look superficially similar, as a negated copula occurs clause-initially and is followed by an indefinite subject. Some examples of existential 'be' constructions are given in (1).
(1)  a. Wasn't nobody home. (AAE; Labov et al. 1968)
       b. Ain't no farmer made money this year. (AAE; Martin 1993)

 It can be difficult to tell the two constructions apart because ain't can have several meanings. It can be the negative copula be+n't, but it can also be the negative perfect auxiliary corresponding to have+n't in Standard English or the negative past tense auxiliary do+n't.

refference
 http://microsyntax.sites.yale.edu